Unpacking the Social and Psychological Forces Behind Waterpipe Smoking in Iranian Youth
Imagine a bustling coffee shop in the heart of Tehran, where groups of young students gather around ornate waterpipes, sharing laughter and flavored tobacco smoke. This scene repeats itself daily across Iran, representing both a cherished cultural tradition and a growing public health crisis.
While cigarette smoking has declined in many modern countries, a different form of tobacco consumption has been quietly sweeping through Middle Eastern nations and beyond: the waterpipe 1 .
Known in Iran as "Ghalian," this ancient method of tobacco smoking has transformed from a pastime of the elderly to a popular social activity among the youth, creating what health experts now call a growing epidemic 2 .
The aromatic smoke, often fruit-flavored, and the social nature of the practice have made it particularly appealing to university students and young adults. What drives this phenomenon, and why are so many young Iranians drawn to an habit with demonstrated health risks? This article delves into the complex attitudes and perceptions that fuel waterpipe smoking among Iranian students, exploring the social dynamics, cultural norms, and psychological factors that make this practice so persistent in the face of public health concerns.
In Iran, waterpipe smoking has woven itself into the social fabric, particularly among the younger generation. Unlike cigarettes, which carry a stronger social stigma, waterpipe use is often viewed as a socially acceptable activity.
A qualitative study conducted in Kermanshah revealed that many young users believe waterpipe is not a taboo like cigarettes and there's no need to hide it from others in society 2 . This perception of social norm is a powerful driver, with participants reporting that waterpipe smoking has become a popular social phenomenon among their peers.
The family aspect also presents a complex picture. While some students reported that their parents would disapprove of their waterpipe use, this parental disapproval appears to be weaker than it would be for cigarette smoking 3 .
To better understand student attitudes toward waterpipe smoking, researchers at universities in Kerman, Iran, conducted a cross-sectional survey that provides valuable insights into this phenomenon 1 . The study employed a rigorous approach:
1,130 randomly selected students
Researcher-made questionnaire
Three smoking categories
ANOVA and chi-square tests
| Attitudinal Statement | Current Smokers (%) | Recent Smokers (%) | Never Smokers (%) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Quitting waterpipe is easier than cigarette | 67.5 | 68.4 | 53.0 |
| Waterpipe has less harm than cigarette | 35.1 | 18.0 | 17.1 |
| Recreational consumption does not cause dependency | 56.5 | 44.3 | 20.7 |
| I would bear someone who smokes waterpipe near me | 75.4 | 70.5 | 36.2 |
Data from cross-sectional study in Kerman, Iran 1
To investigate complex health behaviors like waterpipe smoking, researchers employ a diverse set of methodological tools. Understanding these methods helps appreciate how we've come to know what we do about this phenomenon:
| Research Method | Function | Application Example |
|---|---|---|
| Cross-Sectional Surveys | Snapshot of population at a specific time | The Kerman study used this to measure attitudes and prevalence 1 |
| Qualitative Interviews | In-depth understanding of motivations | Kermanshah study explored personal experiences through face-to-face interviews 2 |
| Likert Scales | Measures strength of attitudes | 4-point scale used in Kerman study (Completely Disagree to Completely Agree) 1 |
| Random Sampling | Ensures representative results | Kerman study randomly selected 1,130 students from universities 1 |
| Multivariate Analysis | Identifies independent factors | Used to determine which beliefs most strongly predict waterpipe use 7 |
The combination of quantitative data (from surveys) with qualitative insights (from interviews) provides a more complete picture of why waterpipe smoking persists despite known health risks.
The compelling evidence from multiple studies paints a clear picture: waterpipe smoking among Iranian students is driven by a complex interplay of social norms, misguided perceptions of harm and addictiveness, and cultural acceptance.
As research continues to evolve, future studies should explore how attitudes change over time and which intervention strategies prove most effective in the Iranian context.
What remains clear is that without addressing the fundamental attitudes and perceptions that make waterpipe smoking appear acceptable and low-risk, this public health challenge will continue to grow, potentially creating a new generation of nicotine-dependent adults facing serious health consequences.
The work of researchers in Iran and across the region provides both the warning and the roadmap for addressing this emerging health crisis.